Nemzet 1996.06.22
N N EEEEEEE M M ZZZZZZZ EEEEEEE TTTTTTTNN N E MM MM Z E TN N N E M M M M Z E TN N N EEEE M M M Z EEEE TN N N E M M Z E TN NN E M M Z E TN N EEEEEEE M M ZZZZZZZ EEEEEEE T--->> M A G Y A R I N T E R N E T V I L A G L A P <<---
===A HORN-PALOTA BOTRANYELKENES HAZUGSAGVIZSGALATA
Hogyan mukodnek a liberalbolsevik ujsagiras karmento
"spin-felcserjei"?
A Szabad Vilagban (is) allandoan folyo politikai harcban a szabad
sajto, mint intezmenyesitett "hazorzo kutya", allandoan figyeli, hogy
van-e barmi gyanus zorej - hiszen regi igazsag, hogy nem zorog a
haraszt, ha nem fujja a szel. Barmi gyanus jelre aztan a hatalom
"gazdijanak" (a NEPNEK) a dolga, hogy alaposan utanajarjon a gyanus
dolognak. Ehhez eloszor is szabadjara ereszti a kutyat, hogy az eles
szimataval megtalalja es nagy ugatas kozepette napvilagra uzze a pl.
alaposan elrejtett problemat.
Ismeretes, hogy az USA elnok es hazastarsa (Hillary es Bill Clinton)
korul is mar joideje nem csak hogy ujsagirok, hanem most mar uzleti
partneruket maris sulyosan elitelo birosagok kutatjak fel azokat a
torvenytelensegeket, melyeket napvilagra hozva demokraciaban
valasztott magasrangu politikusoknak le kell mondaniuk, ha a vadak
bizonyitekot nyernek. (Igy pl. maris volt egy USA Elnok, Richard M.
Nixon, akinek egyetlen igen apro hazugsaga miatt -hogy "nem
kozoltek vele" egy harmadrangu betores tenyet, holott
rabizonyitottak, hogy igenis kozoltek - LE KELLETT MONDANIA, es le
is mondott, joval ciklusanak betoltese elott)
Amerika "professzionalizmusanak" megfeleloen egy kulon hatalmi
csapat foglalkozik hivatasszeruen a szabad sajto altal felpiszkalt
politikai "karosodas" elsimitasaval, amit itt szakszoval "damage
control" (karmentes)-nek neveznek. Ezeket a politologus es "public
relations" szakembereket "spin doctor"-oknak becezik, akik felada a
botrany ciklonszeru kiterebelyesedesenek (spin) orvoslasa, illetve
megelozese.
Nos, a Kleptokracia hatalmaskodoi ebben is elkepesztoen primitivek,
igy legfeljebb "spin-felcsersegrol" lehet beszelnunk. Alabb latni
fogjuk, hogy mint ugyetlen felcser, nem hogy a botrany
kiterebelyesedeset csokkenteni illetve kontrollalni tudnak, de
"szakerto kormanyzatuk" eddigi elkepesztoen inkompetens iszonyu
bakloveseit meg a "karmentesben" is rohejes mellefogasokkal teszik
egyre katasztrofalisabba.
Alabb teljes terjedelemben utannyomjuk mind a mai [szombat]
Magyar Hirek, mind a Nepszabadsag cikket, mely a Horn-Palota
Botrannyal foglalkozik, nyilvanvalo karmentes celzattal.
Mig a Nepszabi a liberalbolsevik "ujsagiras" primitiv bolsevik
bunkoinak szinte allatkerti gyujtemenye maradt a mai napig is, latni
fogjuk, hogy ok a "spin-felcserseget" szemenszedett hazudozassal
gondoljak megvalosithatonak, mig a naluk sokkal rafinaltabb es
ravaszabb Magyar Hirek liberalisai a "sziberia-metodust" hasznaljak
(amikor a farkascsorda uldozi a szant a hosivatagban, husdarabokat
dobalnak hatra, hogy a koncra rarohano farkasok leszakadjanak a
szantol).
Mindjart oriasi katasztrofa (reszukre) hogy a ket metodus (otromba
hazudozas es szivarogtato bevallas) EGYMASSAL NEM
KOMPATIBILIS. Igy a ketfele bunbanda maris egymas torkanak
esett. Az SZDSZ nyilvan presszionalta Horn-t, hogy adjon ki egy
"magyarazatot", amit ok lehoztak alabbi "Magyar Hirlap" ujsagjukban,
tudva-tudvan, hogy Horn atlatszoan hazudozo "vedekezese" csak olaj
lesz a tuzre, s ezaltal sikerul az SZDSZ-nek alaposan bemartani Hornt.:
-
Horn cafolja [?] a hazaval kapcsolatos vadakat
(Magyar Hirlap, junius 22, szombat, betu szerinti teljes szoveg)
[Nemzet munkatars megjegyzeseivel]
MH-osszeallitas
Horn Gyula miniszterelnok a Miniszterelnoki Hivatal kommunikacios
es sajtoosztalya utjan tegnap az alabbi nyilatkozatot juttatta el a
Magyar Tavirati Irodahoz:
"Az Uj Magyarorszag 1996. junius 20-ai szamaban lakohazam
epiteserol valotlan allitasokat tett kozze [az SZDSZ tehat maris
behuzta Horn-t a csobe, mivel ELISMERTE, hogy az o hazarol van szo].
A valasztopolgarok iranti erkolcsi kotelezettsegemnek erzem [no meg
persze Petoek is a nyakamra tettek a kest], hogy a lap hamis kozleset
megcafoljam, es az epitkezes valos korulmenyeirol nyilvanos
tajekoztatast adjak. (Az Uj Magyarorszag szerint a miniszterelnok
szazmillios villat epittetett Obudan - A [MH] szerk.) A Dom Rt.
megbizottjaval szerzodest kotottem 1994-ben a hattagu csaladom
tulajdonaban levo ket belvarosi lakas ertekesitesere es egy obudai
lakohaz felepitesere, valamint a kapcsolodo feladatok elvegzesere [jo
mi? "kapcsolodo feladatok". Nem kezdi valami furdalni a Kedves
Olvaso oldalat, vajh mik lehetnek azok a "kapcsolodo feladatok"? Egy
amerikai parlamenti vizsgalatnal rogton ez lenne az elso kerdes]. Az
epulet es a telek arat a lakasok ellenerteke, valamint a csalad kozos
megtakaritasa fedezte. [Huha, ez egy kemeny allitas, mivel
kategorikusan tagadja, hogy kozremukodo vallalatok BARMI elonyt
juttattak a Horn-csaladnak. Nos, mihelyst bebizonyosodik, hogy
JUTTATTAK, Hornnak maris mennie kell!] Mas penzugyi forrast nem
vettem igenybe [ez raduplaz, bar a "nem vettem igenybe" egyaltalan
nem zarja ki, hogy BOVEN VOLT "FELAJANLAS"]. A lakohazzal
kapcsolatos hatosagi eljarasokban nem tartottam igenyt kiveteles
banasmodra [ez megint nyiltvahagyja, hogy bar "nem tartott igenyt",
"SZIVESSEGBOL" a hatosag megis elonyt adott! Nem az IGENYLES a
bun, hanem az ELFOGADAS!]. A lakasok eladasaval es a csaladi haz
epitesevel osszefuggo adozasi kotelezettsegeimnek maradektalanul
eleget tettem [hoci azokkal az adopapirokkal; USA-ban pl. vezeto
politikusok minden cent adoja kozhirre van teve!]. Az epitkezes
tenyerol a nyilvanossagot korabban mar tobbszor tajekoztattam [igaz,
hogy SENKI nem az epitkezes TENYET nehezmenyezi, hanem ha
valaki ahhoz lopott mondjuk szazmillio forintot] . A most megjelent
igaztalan allitasokat, gyanusitgatasokat es ragalmakat a magam es a
csaladom neveben a leghatarozottabban visszautasitom [Nos,
PONTOSAN mi is az "igaztalan allitas", "gyanusitgatas es ragalom"??]."
Kiss Elemer a kormanyfo felhatalmazasabol tovabbi reszletekkel
szolgalt az ujsagiroknak. Kozolte, hogy az ujsag tulzo osszeget allapit
meg az ingatlan ertekekent es eltulozza a haz mereteit is. Bar a
pontos adatoknak nem volt birtokaban [akkor honnan tudja, hogy
"tulzo" volt?], az allamtitkar elmondta, a valosagban az epulet joval
kisebb, [mi az hogy "joval kisebb"? MEKKORA?] erteke pedig
feleannyi sincs a cikkben allitottnak [Ha mondjuk Horn nem
szazmilliot lopott hanem otvenmilliot, akkor minden rendben van?].
(A tobbszintes epulet alapterulete 150-160 negyzetmeter a lap
szerint - A [MH] szerk.) Cafolta, hogy a hazat kulonlegesen oriznek,
azt viszont lehetsegesnek tartotta, hogy a kivitelezo vagyonort
alkalmaz [a kivitelezo "vagyonorzese" egy kulonleges orizet, ez a
hazugsag is atlatszo]. Az allamtitkar tudomasa szerint a
miniszterelnok megbizatasanak lejartakor kivan bekoltozni hazaba.
Amennyiben most atkoltozne, az jelentos allami pluszkiadasokkal
jarna, hiszen az uj epuletben is meg kellene teremteni a biztonsagi
felteteleket. [Ennek mi koze a vagyon eredetenek vizsgalatahoz?] Kiss
Elemer ezzel osszefuggesben emlekeztetett: egy 1994 tavaszan hozott
kormanyrendelet ertelmeben a koztarsasagi elnok, a miniszterelnok
es az Orszaggyules elnoke megbizatasanak lejarta utan az allamtol
megfelelo lakasra jogosult, amennyiben posztjat legalabb ket evig
betoltotte. Horn Gyula nem tart igenyt erre az allami juttatasra -
kozolte az allamtitkar. [Mintha azt akarnak igy rebesgetni, hogy
"elore bebiztositotta" pufajkas ur a majdani jarandosagat... Kar, hogy
nem mondjak ki, mert akkor igen nyilvanvalo lenne ennek
torvenyellenessege!] A hazba egyebkent heten fognak bekoltozni,
vagyis Horn Gyula felesegevel, ket felnott gyermekevel es azok
csaladjaival [ez kit erdekel?]. Az allamtitkar a kisgazdapart
inditvanyara, miszerint hozzanak letre parlamenti bizottsagot a
kormanyfo epitkezesenek kivizsgalasara, ugy reflektalt: a
kepviseloknek joguk van arra, hogy vizsgalobizottsagokat hozzanak
letre. Hozzatette, hogy a miniszterelnok adott esetben kesz lenne
epitkezesevel elszamolni, am akkor celszerunek tartana, ha
valamennyi orszaggyulesi kepviselore nezve lefolytatnanak egy
ugyanilyen vizsgalatot. [Hoppa, ez aztan nagyszeru zsarolas,
remelhetoleg nem fogja elkerulni a NEMZET figyelmet! Ezek a
kleptokratak itt azzal zsaroljak egymast, hogy "ha kiderited az en
disznosagomat, en kideritem a tiedet". Kadarek alatt UGYANEZEK
meg csak ott tartottak, hogy "ha elhiszed nekem amit en hazudok
neked, akkor en elhiszem amit te hazudsz nekem"]
Pontositasra szorulnak hazankban a vagyonnyilatkozati eljarasra
vonatkozo rendelkezesek. Jogi szakertok szerint a magyar
allampolgarokat - igy a parlamenti kepviseloket, illetve a
miniszterelnokot - vagyonnyilatkozatra kotelezni csak a torvenyben
megszabott idoszakban lehet, elozetes vagyonnyilatkozat tetelre
pedig az Alkotmanybirosag korabbi hatarozatanak ertelmeben nem
lehet senkit kerni. [Keszul mar az INTEZMENYES KISKAPU, csak
legyen aki hanyinger nelkul birja nezni. Ezek a kleptokratak avval
akarnak kibujni barminemu EVSZAZAD RABLASA felgongyolitesbol,
hogy MAR ELOTTE megvolt a vagyonuk!] Mint ismeretes, az FKGP
csutortokon azt javasolta, hogy Horn Gyula miniszterelnok jelentos
vagyongyarapodasa (nagy erteku villa-epitese) miatt tegyen
vagyonnyilatkozatot, s hozza azt nyilvanossagra. Bakos Emil, a
parlament megbizott foigazgatoja elmondta: a kepviselok jogallasarol
szolo torveny szerint a honatyak a mandatumuk ervenyessegenek
megallapitasatol szamitott harminc napon belul kotelesek az
Orszaggyules elnokenel vagyonnyilatkozatot tenni, majd
megbizatasuk megszunesetol szamitott harminc napon belul ujra. Az
orszaggyulesi kepviselok - igy a miniszterelnok is - tehat utoljara
1994-ben, a valasztasi ciklus kezdeten tett vagyonnyilatkozatot, s
legkozelebb 1998-ban kell ertekeikrol szamot adni. [Elftarsurak,
alljon meg a menet. (1) Ide a 94-es vagyonnyilatkozattal, na nezzuk
csak, Hornek vagyona mennyi volt (2) Allapitsuk meg a Horn-palota
valodi PIACI erteket (nem amennyivel KEDVEZMENYESEBBEN kapta
azt meg Miniszterelnok Urelftars) es a ket szam kulonbsegevel tessek
elszamolni. Honnan is van a novekmeny?] A vagyonnyilatkozat
kitoltesekor a honatyaknak a vagyontargyaikrol a hazastarsukkal
egyuttesen kell nyilatkozni, megjelolve a tulajdoni hanyadot is. A
nyilatkozatteteli kotelezettseg az ingatlanokra is kiterjed, es feloleli a
nagy erteku ingosagokat is. A honatyaknak fel kell tuntetni peldaul
az 1500 kobcentimeteresnel nagyobb hengerurtartalmu
szemelygepkocsikat, valamint az egymillio forintnal dragabb
gepjarmuveket is. Am a nyilatkozat a kepviselok merlegelesere bizza,
hogy a takarekbetetben elhelyezett vagyont szerepelteti-e a
"bevallasban". [Ejnyi, mintha ebben az esetben az EGESZ kirakat
mintha abszolute nem erne semmit!] A kitoltesi utmutato szerint a
honatyaknak reszletesen be kell szamolni gyermekeik, valamint
hazastarsuk kulonvagyonarol is. A kepviselok vagyonnyilatkozatat -
mint megtudtuk - a hazelnok pancelszekrenyeben orzi [es mar regen
eldobta a kulcsot; nincs kapu, nem lehet bemenni]. Jogi szakertok es
politikusok egyarant ugy velekednek, pontositasra szorul a
vagyonnyilatkozat-teteli eljarasra vonatkozo nehany rendelkezes: a
maganszemelyek jovedelemadojarol szolo torveny modositott
valtozataban mar nem szerepel a vagyonnyilatkozat, s a kepviselok
jogallasarol szolo torveny sem szabja meg azt, hogy a
dokumentumokat hogyan es pontosan meddig koteles orizni a
hazelnok [Huha, ez egy nyilt felszolitas arra, hogy a hazelnok
semmisitse meg a dokumentumokat. Talan kolcson kene kerni Hillary
papirzuzojat!].
[Hat, eleg meredek az "SZDSZ uzenet"; szakszeru instrukciokeszlet
arra, hogy A KLEPTOKRATAK LELEPLEZESET MINDEN ESZKOZZEL MEG
KELL AKADALYOZNI. Lehet ennel hanyingert keltobb barmi?
Lehet. A liberalbolsevizmusban a liberalisok raffinerianal csak a
bunko bolsevikok primitivsege hatartalanabb. Na, nezzuk csak, hogy
a Nepszabi milyenre veszi a hadovat:
-
(Nepszabadsag, junius 22. szombat, betu szerinti teljes szoveg)
[Nemzet munkatars megjegyzeseivel]
A haz
Idestova ot esztendeje folyik Clinton elnok es Hillary Clinton
vesszofutasa egy szazezer dollar nagysagrendu adougyben. [Ugyebar,
most azt kell hinnie a Kedves Olvasonak, hogy valami "haz"-zal
kapcsolatos epitkezesugye van Clintonaknak. Ami persze otromba
primitiv hazugsag. Clintoneknak ugyanis NINCS SAJAT HAZUK, a
"Whitewater" botrany FOLDBEFEKTETES korul zajlik, es a
befektetesekre felvett kolcsonok ugyeben iteltek el maris SULYOSAN
Clintonek uzlettarsat. Clintonek persze "semmit sem tudtak a
bunugyrol" amig az tortent]. Ugyvedre, eljarasi koltsegre az elnoki
hazaspar az emlitett osszeg tobbszoroset elkoltotte mar [most akkor,
ugye, kezdjuk sajnalni szegeny hazaspart?]. Az elnok egy regebbi
nyilatkozata szerint a procedurara rament szinte az egesz eddigi
eletukben felhalmozott maganvagyonuk [amivel meg mindig jobban
jartak, mintha maris bortonben ulnenek].
A nehezen kibogozhato szamviteli kihagas - amely raadasul meg
joval azelott tortent, illetve esetleg tortent volna [hoppa, nem igaz,
hogy "tortent volna", mert az uzlettarsat maris bunosnek iteltek vagy
20 vadpontban], hogy Clintont elnokke valasztottak - azzal tetezodik,
hogy az elnoki (akkor meg kormanyzoi) par politikai kinevezeseket
juttatott, vagy juttatott volna, anyagi, illetve attetelesen anyagi
elonyokert. [Hopp, itt van bunko bolsevik "ujsagiro" elsoszamu
kapitalis hibaja: rairanyitja a figyelmet, hogy Horn eseteben ugyanez
latszik: hogy politikai kinevezeseket juttatott "attetelesen" anyagi
elonyokert, hogy pl. ket berkaszarnya-lakast a Dom "nevertekben"
becserelt neki egy kacsalabon forgo palotaert!]
Az ugy koruli cirkusz egyben a koztarsasagiak es a demokratak
taktikai merkozese is, mikent lehet mindenfele trukkokkel,
bizottsagokkal, vizsgalatokkal, masfelol figyelemelterelesekkel,
masfele bizottsagokkal, agyonhallgatasokkal az ugy parazsara hamut
huzni, illetve a parazsat ismet elokotorni. [Ez ismet kicsit maskeppen
van, nem taktikai hanem politikai, nem trukk hanem elszamoltatas,
es a parazsra a bunosok huznak hamut, mig a parazson izzo
pofatlansagot a szabad sajto es demokratikus vizsgalat kotorja a
felszinre a raszort hamu alol]
Az amerikai, es hovatovabb a vilagkozvelemeny ot ev ota elenk
figyelemmel kiseri a valoszinuleg sohasem tisztazhato ugyet. A
vilagot bejartak a felvetelek, ahogyan Hillary Clinton kiszallt a
kocsijabol es az elektronikus eszkozokkel lebonyolitott
tavkihallgatasra indult. [Sot, meg aznap este korulrohogtek Hillary
"artatlansagat" a kabaremusorok, avval, hogy "mit mondott Hillary
azutan, hogy kijelentette "artatlan" a dokumentumok bezuzasaban???
She said "Now I will spend the rest of my life to find the real
shreadder!"]
A demokracia mukodesi rendje szerint a valaszto tomegek
lankadatlan figyelemmel, erzekenyseggel es szinte akkuratus
szorszalhasogatassal figyelik a kozszereplok anyagi, moralis ugyeit.
Igy van ez, fuggetlenul attol, hogy ez jo vagy nem [ez egyszeruen
baromsag. Az erdeklodes NEM fuggetlen a demokracia jo rendjetol.
Pontosan azert figyelik, es nem "szinte", hanem valodi akkuratus
szorszalhasogatassal, MERT AZ O ADO-PENZUK KOLTESEROL VAN SZO!]
Egyebkent jo. [Na ugye, bunko elftars, ezt azert meg ti sem tudjatok
letagadni!]
Mindez annak az apropojan kerult ide, hogy az Uj Magyarorszag
reszletes, fenykeppel illusztralt cikket kozolt Horn Gyula
miniszterelnok es csaladja obudai hazepiteserol, majd masnap
Szekeres Imre MSZP-s frakciovezeto uszomedences villajarol. Ez
egyebkent jo is, meg nem is. [A nepnek jo, a sikkasztoknak nem jo]
Annyiban jo, hogy - az elet mar ilyen - a kozvelemeny nalunk is
reszletesen tudni akarja a kozszereplok, az orszagot vezetok anyagi
ugyeit, beveteleit, kiadasait, adofizeteset vagy ado nem fizeteset.
(Hillary Clinton magankonyvtaraban ujjlenyomatok utan kutattak
egy maganhasznalatu szamviteli konyvon! [itt a hazudozo
bunkoelftars "elfelejti" kozolni, hogy Hillary azt allitotta, hogy a
dokumentum sohasem volt a kezeben, csakhogy AZONOSITOTTAK az
ujjlenyomatat a lapokon!] A kozvelemeny tudni akarja a fent
felsoroltakat. Egyreszt, mert kivancsi [arra, hogy hazudik-e az orszag
elso hazasparja], es ehhez joga van. Masreszt, mert megkivanja, hogy
az orszag elen allok moralis magatartasa erkolcsi tartooszlop es
hivatkozasi alap legyen [igen]. Hitelesito belyegzokent mukodjek
[igen]. Ez egyben a koz onvedelme is, mert olyan vezetoket akar, akik
szajabol hitelesen hangzik, amit mondanak. Tehat eddig rendben van.
[mar persze akkor van rendben, ha IGAZAT MONDANAK, es nem
lopnak-csalnak ahol erik]
Mas kerdes azonban - visszaterve Clintonek peldajara - , hogy ha
netan megis bebizonyosodna vetlenseguk [ami kevesse valoszinu,
hiszen uzlettarsukat maris eliteltek], senki sem mutogatna, isten
tudja, hany szobas wigwamjukat, nem hanytorgatna fel a raadasul
kanyarodo (!) kocsifeljarojukat, nem csinalna bunlajstromot,
egyenkent barmilyen keritesoszlopbol. Magyaran: senkinek sem
jutna eszebe mely szocialis igazsagtalansagok sugallata, ha a Clinton
csalad konyvelese attekintheto, ha szerzemenye legalis es adofizetes
hitelesiti.
Ellentetben Horn Gyula miniszterelnok mostani szituaciojaval. O nem
abban marasztaltatott el ugyanis, hogy nem fizetett adot, netan hogy
lopta haza arat, hanem abban, hogy neki van haza [EZ EGY OTROMBA,
PRIMITIV BUNKO HAZUGSAG! A CIKK SZALAGCIME NEM AZ HOGY
"HORNNAK HAZA VAN", hanem hogy (betu szerint idezve)
"SZAZMILLIO FORINTOT ER a budai Horn-villa". Hogy neki haza van.
Egyebirant a haz Uj Magyarorszagban megjelent fenykepebol es a
kicsit zuros adatfelsorolasbol itelve nemcsak a Szep Hazak cimu
periodika cimlapjara nem kerulne fel, hanem a Nagy Hazak - nem
letezo - folyoirat cimlapjara sem. [Hazudozo elftars megint mas
vaganyra kivanja terelni az erdeklodest. Nem az a kerdes, hogy a haz
NAGY-e, hanem hogy MENNYIT ER, es foleg, hogy a legalabb
szazmillio (csak az ures telek legalabb 10-15 millio!) HONNAN
SZARMAZIK??] Az orszag jelenlegi miniszterelnoke a maga es
szelesebb ertelemben vett csaladja szamara epitett hazaval
valoszinuleg sok tizezredik volna a hazak orszagos kivagyisagi
rangsoraban. Nemcsak Obudan, hanem az orszagban, mondjuk
Retsagon vagy Ujszegeden is csak a futottak meg kategoriajaban
szerepelne [Ismet otromba, primitiv csusztatas!.Retsagon egy NAGY
HAZ, amekkora Horn-e, tizedreszet sem eri, mint Europa kozepe
fovarosanak legexkluzivabb budai kornyeken]. (A magunk reszerol
csak orulni tudunk annak, hogy egy nemregi tevemusorban latott
berhazi kisember-imidzsnek lett egy jobb es hitelesebb valtozata. A
miniszterelnoknek lehetoleg ne csak a folyoso vegen a gangon, a
masodik emelet 6-ban fussa egy masfel szoba felkomfortra...) [Bunko
elftars ket alapveto dologban hazudik. Egyreszt a kerdes nem az, mi
"jobb vagy hitelesebb" imidzs, hanem hogy ELSZAMOLHATO-E A PENZ
AMIBOL AZ "IMIDZS" LETT, BUNTENY NELKUL, masreszt nem csak a
magyar "miniszterelnoknek" kellene go"nnolni egy tisztesseges
megelhetest, hanem "a magunk reszerol csak orulni tudnank annak,
hogy egy nemreg meg europainak szamito orszag lakossaganak a
FELE nem nyomorodott volna el latin-amerikai ehezesbe,
kilatastalansagba es pusztulasba" -- ezen ha maskeppen nem, akkor
a kacsalabon forgo palotakbol kiakolbolintott tolvajok, csalok es
gyilkosok el nem szamolhato ertekeinek elkobzasaval fog a NEMZET
valtoztatni!]
Egyebkent: a kozszereplok (kepviselok, polgarmesterek stb.)
konyveleset igenis attekinthetove kell tenni. Penzforrasaikat, mi
tobb, iparosi, banki stb. kapcsolataikat is lathatova kell alakitani.
Tudni kell, kitol vesznek, kinek adnak el, mikor, hogy es miert. Ez a
kozszereples nyuge.
De az, hogy hazban (esetleg egy jobb hazban) laknak, onmagaban ne
legyen nekik felrohato. [Primitiv hazugsag ugy beallitani hogy barki
is azt tette volna vagy azt tenne; a szazmillios vagyon EREDETE a
kerdes, a kulonbozo kozremukodo cegek tobb mint gyanus
tranzakcioinak KIVIZSGALASA a kerdes, es mindenekelott egy ugy
latszik nem csak gyilkos de velejeig HAZUG miniszterelnok moralis
nullasaganak leleplezese ES HATALOMBOL VALO ELTAVOLITASA A
KERDES!]
==
[Az Evezred Rablasa kovetkezik - Magyarorszaghoz hasonloan
most Oroszorszag kifosztasa]
Oroszorszag uj tulajdonosai
Irta: Martin Mann (Washington)
[Angol eredetiben megjelent: SPOTLIGHT, 1996. aprilis 22.]
[Az Interneten megtalalhato: "24. Ora":
http://www.infobahnos.com/~jtoth/indexit.html ]
Mialatt az orosz nep a mindennapi kenyer beszerzesen faradozik,
nemzetkozi penzemberek a nemzet termeszeti kincseinek
felvasarlasara keszulodnek. A vilagszerte elterjedt Rockefeller-
birodalom vezerhajoja, a Chase Manhattan Bank vezetese alatt egy
nemzetkozi befektetesi konzorcium elokeszuleteket tesz Oroszorszag
legjobb aktivainak es hatalmas termeszeti kincseinek felvasarlasara,
megvesztegetett kormanyalkalmazottak altal mestersegesen
leszoritott arakon. Egy kozgazdasz a kiarusitast a masodik
vilaghaboru ota tortent legjovedelmezobb kifosztasi tevekenysegnek
nevezte. A vilag legnagyobb olaj-, es gazmezoinek, arany-, es
gyemantbanyainak es oriasi ipartelepeinek joresze forog kockan -
mondta Paul Adler nemzetkozi kozgazdasz moszkvai uzleti utjarol
visszaterve, majd ramutatott:
"A Rockefeller-konzorcium, elokelo oszszekottetesei - mint peldaul a
Bilderberg-csoport es a Council on Foreign Relations - halozatan
keresztul vezetoszerepet nyert ebben a szovjet utani kiarusitasban. A
kulisszak mogott a Rockefeller-csoport huzza a madzagjat ennek a
gigaszi muvelet minden jatekosanak az IMF-tol Viktor Csernomyrdin
orosz elnokig."
Elmeletben az egyszeru orosz polgar lett volna a birtkosa a volt
szovjet allam tulajdonanak. Oroszorszag 1992-ben minden
allampolgaranak tobbfele reszesedesi jegyet osztott ki a privatizacio
lebonyolitasara. Nemelyeket azonnal penzze lehetett valtani, mig mas
jegyeket meg kellett tartani a torvenyben lefektetett idopontig.
Gyakorlatban azonban az atlag penzehes moszkvai tuladott
reszesedesi jegyein mihelyt azokat kezhez kapta. A legfrissebb
adatok szerint ezeknek a jegyeknek, amelyekkel a tulajdonos
licitalhat a kormanytulajdonra, 94 szazaleka mar a privat bankok
kezeben van!
Jegor Grizskov hajdani szovjet kozgazdasagi tervezo szerint, aki ma a
Columbia Egyetemen kutato, a bankok lehetnek oroszok, de a penz,
amellyel felvasaroltak ezeket a jegyeket kulfoldrol jott be zsakszam,
tobbnyire titkos csatornakon. "Amikor a kormany altal arusitott
hajdani allami tulajdont aruba bocsajtottak, a moszkvai bankok
legnagyobb resze a Chase Manhattan es mas kulfoldi spekulansok
fedoszervei voltak," - mondta Grizskov. A Rockefeller-konzorcium azt
is bebiztositotta, hogy Oroszorszag legertekesebb aktivaiert a
licitalast mestersegesen befolyasolja, - mondtak a SPOTLIGHT-nak
Oroszorszag ENSZ-delegaciojanak bennfentes kapcsolatai. Sem a
penzugyi reszleteket, sem a mult evi allami vagyon licitalas nyertes
arajanloit nem hoztak mindeddig nyilvanossagra Oroszorszagban.
S hogy dokumentaljak megvesztegetesi, osszeeskuvesi es
mesterseges arajanlat-befolyasolo vadjaikat a Chase Manhattan
befektetesi konszernt illetoleg, orosz diplomaciai forrasok titkos
jelenteseket mutattak meg ennek az ujsagnak, amelyek reszletezik a
spekulansok altal suba alatt elintezett uzleteket. ENSZ-forrasok
szerint ezek a spekulansok kenytelenek voltak nyilvanos
arajanlataikat asztal alatt tortent csusztatasokkal novelni. Amikor
GAZPROM meg a szovjet kormany kezen volt, a vilag legnagyobb
foldgaz monopoliumanak ismertek el, s a Vilagbank 1993-ban
keszitett tanulmanya szerint legalabb 3.4 milliard dollart ert.
Ellenben mult juniusban Moszkvaban egy meg nem nevezett
arajanlonak 228 millio dollarert adtak el azt - kevesebbert, mint
kiertekelesenek 10 szazaleka.
Ezen aronaluli vasarlas mogott levo "szerencses partnerek" David
Rockefeller es Csernomyrdin voltak, akik az ugyet titkos fedoszerven
keresztul valositottak meg. Hasonlokeppen LUKOIL-t, Oroszorszag
legnagyobb petroleum cegjet, amelynek erteke legalabb 3.4 milliard
dollar, meg nem nevezett nyugati spekulatorok potom 294 millio
dollarert vasaroltak meg! Orosz diplomatak szerint Chase Manhattan
volt a kiarusitas haszonelvezoje.
A UNIFIED ENERGY SYSTEMS-et, a hajdani szovjet tomb fo
energiafejlesztojet, amelynek erteket tobb mint 3 milliard dollarra
becsultek, nemzetkozi befektetoknek adtak el 467 millio dollarert.
Ezek a szegyenletes elherdalasok meg csak a kezdet, - mondta
Grizskov. A kulfoldi spekulatorok, akik allamgazdasagunkat
kifosztjak , abbol is hasznot huznak, hogy a moszkvai valutapiacot a
maguk javara befolyasoljak. -- (Ismerosnek tunik? Mintha mar
talalkoztunk volna ilyesmivel magyar viszonylatban! )
(Forditotta: Vasas Janos)
==
OMRI RUSSIAN ELECTIONS STUDY
SCANDAL CHRONOLOGY
IZVESTIYA CHRONICLES EVENTS OF 19-20 JUNE. On 21 June,
Izvestiya published a chronology of the events triggered by the
detention of Yeltsin campaign aides Sergei Lisovskii and Arkadii
Yevstafev. The two aides were detained by men identifying
themselves as agents of the Presidential Security Service (SBP) as
they were leaving the government building (White House) at 5 p.m.
on 19 June. They were then taken to a room in that building and
interrogated until about 3 a.m. Both men said the questions
concerned the election campaign, and focused on the role of former
Deputy Prime Minister Anatolii Chubais. According to early reports,
the two men had been stopped because they had been carrying a box
allegedly holding $500,000. Lisovskii subsequently denied this
report, and asserted that the money was planted by the SBP agents
who detained him. At some point, the two men apparently used their
cellular phones to alert their colleagues to their plight. At about
midnight, the Yeltsin campaign headquarters sent a fax to ITAR-
TASS saying that the two aides had been arrested, and at about the
same time NTV announced that it would soon begin broadcasts on an
important election-related story. NTV and ORT were put on alert to
interview newly-appointed Security Council Secretary Aleksandr
Lebed about the incident, Izvestiya reported, by phone calls from the
Moscow headquarters of the LogoVAZ company, where its head Boris
Berezovskii was meeting with MOST group chairman Vladimir
Gusinskii and NTV president Igor Malashenko. All three businessmen
are political opponents of Korzhakov and Barsukov, while Berezovskii
and Gusinskii hold significant interests in NTV and ORT, respectively.
These two networks' special reports on the incident through the
night lent it a sensational character. News crews were dispatched,
and they interviewed Lebed at 4:20 a.m., after the two aides had
already been released. He assessed the incident as an attempt to
disrupt the upcoming runoff election, and promised that any
"mutiny" would be ruthlessly suppressed. While he refused to name
those involved, he said he would investigate it thoroughly, and
recommend to President Yeltsin that those who are guilty be
punished. ITAR-TASS did not report the story until 8 a.m. At
Yeltsin's campaign headquarters later that morning, staffers told
Izvestiya that Lebed had visited in the early morning for a meeting
with Yeltsin's first aide Viktor Ilyushin, known as a rival of
Korzhakov and Barsukov. Meanwhile, Korzhakov and Barsukov began
to defend their actions, declaring that their men had merely detained
the two aides because of the suspicious hard currency. Barsukov told
ITAR-TASS that "any attempt to give the incident a political
character is an absolute provocation." However, Yeltsin campaign
head Sergei Filatov, also a long-time rival of Korzhakov, told
journalists that the incident was an attempt by Korzhakov and
Barsukov to force the cancellation of the runoff election, and accused
them of meddling in President Yeltsin's campaign against his
instructions. Curiously, Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin told
ITAR-TASS the same morning that the incident was "over,"
attributing it to delays in checking that the two aides actually had
permission to remove the hard currency from the White House.
However, this explanation does not correspond with the aides'
subsequent claims that the money was planted on them. At a
scheduled meeting of the Russian Security Council at 10 a.m. that
morning, Lebed was presented to his new colleagues. Official reports
of the meeting do not say whether the incident was discussed,
although Barsukov was present at the meeting. After the session,
Yeltsin met with Chubais at noon. Only after these two meetings was
it announced at 12:45 p.m. that Yeltsin had sacked Korzhakov,
Barsukov, and also First Deputy Prime Minister Oleg Soskovets, their
close ally. While tying up some of the links in the story, the Izvestiya
chronology still leaves many unanswered questions. Did the two
aides have a box full of foreign currency or not? Why were these two
arrested? These questions are sure to grease the wheels of the
Moscow rumor mill for the next several weeks. -- Scott Parrish
CANDIDATES AND PARTIES
YAVLINSKII STILL WITHHOLDS YELTSIN ENDORSEMENT. Yabloko
leader Grigorii Yavlinskii said that he was pleased by Yeltsin's recent
removal of several key hardliners from his inner circle. However,
Yavlinskii refused to endorse the president's bid for a second term
on 3 July until he knows who will replace the fallen leaders. He said
that "everything now depends on appointments, not dismissals,"
Reuters reported on 21 June. -- Robert Orttung
COMMUNISTS QUESTION FINAL FIGURES. The Duma has sent a
request to the Central Electoral Commission, asking it to clarify the
number of voters in the country and what the actual turnout was,
ITAR-TASS reported on 21 June. Duma Security Committee Chairman
Viktor Ilyukhin initiated the request. The final figures list
108,494,533 voters in Russia. There were only 107,496,558 voters in
the December Duma election and the source of the additional million
is unclear. -- Robert Orttung
DUMA DEPUTIES SEEK TO CREATE A NON-COMMUNIST FACTION.
Sergei Belyaev, the head of the Our Home Is Russia faction, is
spearheading an effort to create a non-communist faction within the
State Duma to counter the Communists' current dominance of
parliament, Izvestiya reported on 20 June. Belyaev said that the idea
surfaced two months ago, but intensive work on building the
coalition began only after the first round of the presidential election
on 16 June. The alliance would bring together deputies from Our
Home Is Russia, Yabloko, Russian Regions, Russia's Democratic Choice,
and independents. The new faction would be called "Parliamentary
Accord," Moskovskii komsomolets reported on 21 June. Members of
the Democratic Party of Russia are split between working with the
Communists or the anti-communists. Zyuganov has promised
Democratic Party leader Sergei Glazev a high position in a possible
Communist-led government of national trust, although the party
campaigned for Lebed during the first round of the presidential
election. Lebed apparently has not been in contact with Glazev since
taking on his new positions in the Yeltsin administration. Observers
doubt Yavlinskii's willingness to participate in such a bloc. -- Robert
Orttung
MINOR CANDIDATES ON THE SECOND ROUND. Pharmaceuticals
magnate Vladimir Bryntsalov on 17 June affirmed that he is "now
very confident of Yeltsin's victory" which he would "of course
support," while Martin Shakkum and Mikhail Gorbachev appeared
more doubtful. Shakkum refused to predict who would win the
second round: "I am not sure of Yeltsin's victory," he stressed.
"Anyway, my own vote will not influence the general results," he
concluded. Mikhail Gorbachev praised the fact that this election "did
take place and was peaceful," and repeatedly said that he would
appeal to people to vote against both candidates. -- Anne Nivat in
Moscow
MEDIA
YELTSIN CAMPAIGN DISTRIBUTES ANTI-COMMUNIST VIDEO. Among
the campaign materials distributed to pro-Yeltsin activists across the
country is an anti-communist documentary film meant to be shown
at campaign events or informal gatherings. A copy of the film was
obtained by OMRI at the Sverdlovsk Oblast Yeltsin campaign
headquarters. Only brief glimpses of Yeltsin appear in the hour-long
video; it is almost entirely devoted to recalling the millions of people
who suffered under Communist rule. For instance, the viewer sees
starving children during the famine of the early 1920s, people
cheering alongside piles of burning icons, and churches being
demolished. The video includes some extremely graphic footage of
enemies being executed during the 1920s, recently uncovered bodies
of Polish officers murdered in the Katyn forest in 1941, and Soviet
soldiers who died in Afghanistan in the 1980s. The video also recalls
the environmental devastation wrought by some Soviet projects,
including the Chornobyl nuclear disaster and miles of desert once
covered by the Aral Sea. Viewers are repeatedly reminded of the
Civil War, Stalin's purges, World War II, and the war in Afghanistan.
The current war being waged in Chechnya is not mentioned. -- Laura
Belin in Yekaterinburg
ANTI-COMMUNIST ENTERTAINMENT ON TV. During the final week of
the campaign, Russia's major TV networks aired programs reminding
the public of crimes committed during the Soviet period. For
instance, ORT broadcast a film about the murder of the tsar's family,
and NTV showed a two-part documentary about the activities of the
secret police between 1917 and 1953. On the evening of 15 June, ORT
broadcast Nikita Mikhalkov's award-winning film Burnt by the Sun,
which is set at the height of Stalin's purges. Mikhalkov, who both
starred in and directed the film, has openly campaigned for
President Yeltsin's re-election. -- Laura Belin in Moscow
GRISLY PRE-ELECTION "KUKLY." The 15 June edition of NTV's satirical
puppet show "Kukly" explored the nightmares Central Electoral
Commission (TsIK) Chairman Nikolai Ryabov might have had on the
eve of the election. First Ryabov is visited by visions of Yeltsin and
Zyuganov, warning him to count the vote correctly. Then he discovers
the body of Yavlinskii next to a note blaming the TsIK, Aleksandr
Lebed's head in his refrigerator, and Zhirinovsky with a knife in his
back. As ghosts of the angry dead candidates close in on him, Ryabov
wakes up screaming. He makes himself tea and goes back to sleep,
but his nightmares return. In the closing moments of the program,
visions of all the major candidates stand over Ryabov's bed
discussing possible falsification. Yeltsin's top bodyguard Aleksandr
Korzhakov remarks menacingly that a "great responsibility" now lies
with the TsIK, and Ryabov cries out for help. -- Laura Belin in
Moscow
VIEW FROM YEKATERINBURG
HOW ONE GOVERNOR HELPED YELTSIN'S CAMPAIGN. President Yeltsin
was expected to post a strong showing in Sverdlovsk Oblast, his
native region, but the 59.5% of the vote he captured exceeded even
optimistic projections, especially since Aleksandr Lebed took second
place with 14.2%, and Gennadii Zyuganov gained only 11.7%. In
addition to being the favorite son, Yeltsin was helped substantially
by Sverdlovsk Governor Eduard Rossel. Yeltsin removed Rossel from
office in 1993, but he allowed Sverdlovsk to hold a gubernatorial
election in August 1995, which Rossel won. Since then, the two have
found a common language. In January, Sverdlovsk became the first
oblast to sign a power-sharing agreement with the federal
authorities. (Yeltsin has since signed several similar agreements on
the campaign trail.) Rossel and his supporters contributed both
financial and human resources to Yeltsin's campaign. In May and
June, Sverdlovsk Oblast authorities reportedly helped pay overdue
wages to many residents; solving the wage arrears problem was one
of Yeltsin's key campaign promises. In addition, most of the largely
pro-Rossel regional media strongly supported Yeltsin. Antonina
Lazareva, who supervised oblast-wide organizational work for
Yeltsin's Sverdlovsk headquarters, told OMRI on 18 June that
Yeltsin's campaign infrastructure consisted of about 80 branches
scattered across the region. Only about 10 of those were started from
scratch for the presidential campaign. The rest were first set up as
branches for Rossel's movement Transformation of the Urals, which
contested the April legislative election in Sverdlovsk and won about
35% of the vote, far more than any other party. -- Laura Belin in
Yekaterinburg
DEMORALIZED COMMUNISTS REGROUP. About 50 activists from both
the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (KPRF) and the more
extreme Russian Communist Workers' Party (RKRP) discussed how to
improve their campaign strategy at a meeting in Yekaterinburg on
20 June. Zyuganov's third-place finish in Sverdlovsk Oblast with less
than 12% of the vote was considered humiliating. (The KPRF won
only about 8% of the regional vote in the December 1995
parliamentary election.) Several activists expressed frustration,
having encountered people living in absolute poverty or struggling to
get by on a pension who nonetheless were voting for Yeltsin. Yurii
Vazhenin, the KPRF representative who chaired the meeting,
reminded the group that since the mass media was largely stacked in
Yeltsin's favor, it was all the more important to "go to the people"
and agitate on behalf of Gennadii Zyuganov. Acknowledging that
campaigning in a city where Yeltsin is a "popular hero" would be an
uphill battle, he nonetheless urged them not to give up on
Yekaterinburg itself, where Yeltsin gained about 70% support on 16
June and Zyuganov less than 8%. By way of encouragement, Vazhenin
reminded his colleagues of localities in the oblast where Zyuganov
won up to a third of the vote. The activists shared what they
considered the most effective techniques for persuading friends and
strangers. For instance, a woman remarked that whenever people
said they could not vote for Zyuganov because of the Stalin-era
repression or collectivization, she responded that Zyuganov was not
even born during the 1930s. Furthermore, Zyuganov did not shell the
parliament in 1993 and did not start the war in Chechnya. -- Laura
Belin in Yekaterinburg
DIFFERENT POINTS OF VIEW WITHIN THE LEBED CAMP. . . The news
that Aleksandr Lebed had agreed to serve as Security Council
secretary and Yeltsin's special adviser on national security issues was
greeted with both enthusiasm and dismay among his supporters.
Aleksandr Levchenko, head of Lebed's campaign operation in
Sverdlovsk Oblast, told OMRI on 20 June that Lebed made the right
decision, and at least 70% of those who voted for him on 16 June will
back Yeltsin in the second round. However, Levchenko was
interrupted by an angry campaign worker who argued that Lebed's
backers know nothing will change for the better as long as Yeltsin
remains president, and they consequently feel betrayed. When
Levchenko countered that only a minority of Lebed voters held such
views, the disappointed campaign worker shouted, "You weren't here
yesterday when the people were calling." Another campaign worker
apologized for his colleague's emotional outburst but admitted that
"We are offended" by Lebed's move. Both Levchenko and Leonid
Khabanov, a campaign representative authorized to speak on behalf
of Lebed in Sverdlovsk, were careful to point out that during the
next two weeks they will not campaign "for Yeltsin." Rather, they will
try to convince Lebed's electorate that voting for Yeltsin is now the
best way to support Lebed's program. -- Laura Belin in
Yekaterinburg
-AS BOTH SIDES AIM FOR LEBED SUPPORTERS. Activists from both
the Yeltsin and Zyuganov headquarters in Sverdlovsk Oblast have
expressed confidence that they will gain most of the votes from those
who backed Lebed in the first round. Communist activists are
convinced that Lebed was supported mostly by those who despise
Yeltsin and the lawlessness in the country, and consequently would
otherwise have voted for Zyuganov. They plan to appeal to Lebed's
electorate by telling them their leader "betrayed them" and "sold
himself" to join the presidential administration. They will argue that
Lebed struck a deal with the authorities before the first round but
concealed his plans from his supporters. (During the last two weeks
of the campaign, as Lebed began to appear more frequently on
national television networks, Lebed posters and advertisements
suddenly became much more visible in Yekaterinburg.) By contrast,
Yeltsin campaign staff were convinced that the vast majority of the
Lebed voters believe in their leader and will follow him, particularly
since it is clear, following Yeltsin's dismissal of four key hardliners,
that his new position entails real authority. -- Laura Belin in
Yekaterinburg
ANALYSIS AND PREDICTIONS
BARSUKOV, KORZHAKOV WANTED TO REPLACE CHERNOMYRDIN WITH
SOSKOVETS. Federal Security Service chief Mikhail Barsukov and
Presidential Security Service head Aleksandr Korzhakov decided to
arrest two of Yeltsin's campaign aides with the huge sum of foreign
currency as part of a plan to replace Prime Minister Viktor
Chernomyrdin with First Deputy Prime Minister Oleg Soskovets,
according to ITAR-TASS commentator Tamara Zamyatina on 20 June.
The hardliners had been seeking Chernomyrdin's spot since the
beginning of the campaign when they succeeded in naming Soskovets
to lead Yeltsin's campaign effort. Soskovets's failure to handle the
job, however, allowed presidential first aide Viktor Ilyushin and
Chernomyrdin to replace him in March. Because the president
trusted Korzhakov and Barsukov, he appointed them to the council
that ran his campaign. They used this position to continue interfering
in the re-election effort, coming into conflict with more liberal
campaign advisers, Sergei Filatov, Georgii Satarov, and Anatolii
Chubais. The final straw was that they feared that Lebed would side
with the liberals and undermine their position and decided to go for
broke. Yeltsin finally ran out of patience with the intrigues of the
generals and decided to dismiss them, Zamyatina claimed. She argued
that overall the scandal will not help the president's campaign.
However, it will allow the liberal intellectuals and the independent
press to vote for the president without the fear of an authoritarian
crackdown launched by his hardline advisers. -- Robert Orttung
POLLS BECOMING MORE ACCURATE. The major public opinion
services did a good job of predicting the outcome of the first round of
the presidential election, according to Kommersant-Daily on 18 June.
All the major polling firms predicted that Yeltsin and Zyuganov
would make it to the second round, and all showed Yeltsin ahead,
except for Boris Grushin's Vox Populi, which put them in a dead heat
in predictions published on 12 June. Nugzar Betaneli's Institute for
the Sociology of Parliamentary democracy (ISP) overshot Yeltsin's
final result by predicting that he would win 40% of the vote rather
than the 35% he received. The polls slightly underestimated
Zyuganov's support. The most difficult task was predicting the third
place finisher. Betaneli's ISP predicted that Yavlinskii would take
third, Grushin leaned toward Yavlinskii and Zhirinovsky, while
Aleksandr Oslon's Public Opinion Foundation picked Zhirinovsky.
Only VCIOM correctly chose Aleksandr Lebed. VCIOM was also
closest to his final tally of nearly 15%, by marking him at 10%, while
all the others were at least one point below that. Sociologists explain
this failure by claiming that many of Lebed's voters came over to his
side during the last week, so his popularity was not picked up in
their polls. Oslon, "the leading sociologist of the president's campaign"
argues that Lebed picked up most of his voters in this race from
Yeltsin and Yavlinskii, while the approximately 4% that voted for his
Congress of Russian Communities in the Duma election mostly came
from Zhirinovsky. Oslon believes half of Lebed's voters will back
Yeltsin in the runoff, while the others will either vote for Zyuganov
or stay home. The pollsters predicted more votes for Zhirinovsky
than he received because in the last two elections they had
underestimated his turnout and sought to compensate for those
mistakes this time around. Zhirinovsky's electorate is relatively
unpredictable, but sociologists believe that what Zhirinovsky tells
them to do will play a major role in how they vote. As many as 70%
of Yavlinskii's voters will support the president no matter what
Yavlinskii does. The candidates themselves had the worst
predictions. Yeltsin said that he would take more than 50% in the
first round, while Zyuganov alleged that two-thirds of the voters
were on his side. -- Robert Orttung
MILITARY VOTED FOR YELTSIN. To the extent that it is possible to
judge the military vote, Russia's soldiers supported their
commander-in-chief, according to Segodnya on 18 June. Troops
serving in Chechnya were the most pro-Yeltsin, with 82% supporting
him. These soldiers liked Yeltsin's promise to demobilize them after
serving six months in a conflict zone. The paper's data also shows
that Lebed came in second place in the military. The Defense
Ministry's working group on the elections had expected Zyuganov to
take second place. Lebed himself claimed that the Defense Ministry
had falsified the military vote and that he had won 70% of it,
although he rejected any attempts to do a recount. -- Robert Orttung
ELECTIONS MARK END OF COMMUNISM IN RUSSIA. The 16 June
election marked the end of communism in Russia, Mikhail Leontev
wrote in Segodnya on 18 June. He argued that the Communists
demonstrated that their electorate could not expand beyond 30-35%
even at the worst time for Yeltsin and when they had the strongest
starting conditions. Following the election, an inevitable process of
decomposition will begin in the Communist coalition and the
resulting factions will have no chance to gain power, Leontev argued.
-- Robert Orttung
TWO-PARTY SYSTEM FORMING IN RUSSIA. The contest between
Yeltsin and Zyuganov is creating the basis for a two-party system in
Russia, Andrei Papushin wrote in Rossiiskaya gazeta on 21 June. The
new system would pit Our Home Is Russia (NDR) against a reformed
Communist Party. The Communists may transform themselves into a
social democratic party. Speakers at the recent closed Communist
Party of the Russian Federation plenum, for example, stressed the
need to change the party's image by changing the party's name and
abandoning the Communist rhetoric that repels many people. Once
the NDR forms itself as a party, it will have to work effectively to
counter the reformed Communists, Papushin wrote. He argues that
the new party of power should emphasize the "national- statist" idea.
In this regard, the new NDR will find it advantageous to unite with
the Congress of Russian Communities (also reformed) since then it
will be able to steal votes from Vladimir Zhirinovsky who is "plowing
the same field." Papushin claimed that the idea of national- statism is
likely to remain popular in the coming years. The other parties in
Russia today will only be secondary factors to the two main political
groups, Papushin argued. -- Robert Orttung
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